It is to be hoped that when Mr Morrison meets with the leaders of "the quad" to, amongst other things, explain the nuclear submarine deal to the leaders of India and Japan, he is more diplomatic than he has been with France and Australia's South East Asian near neighbours.
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While President Joe Biden is, of course, entirely on board Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga and India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi may be quietly wondering if AUKUS is a Celtic-Anglo Saxon club from which they have been excluded.
That is apparently a widely held view in Malaysia, a not insignificant development given it is a founding member of the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) linking Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, Singapore and the UK since 1971.
Indonesia is also unimpressed by AUKUS and Australia's nuclear submarine coup.
Malaysia's The Star newspaper reported on Monday that Australia will send officials to Kuala Lumpur to "provide further clarification and understanding on the security partnership". Foreign Minister, Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah, said this had been agreed in a "recent" telephone conversation with Marise Payne.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob's had already expressed concerns the establishment of AUKUS could lead to the escalation of regional arms race.
Mr Ismail, who was only told of the new alliance and the submarine deal during a phone call from Mr Morrison on Friday warned: "AUKUS could potentially be a catalyst towards a nuclear arms race in the Indo-Pacific region, as well as provoke other powers to act more aggressively, especially within the South China Sea region".
It would be understandable, especially if they also had not been given a heads up, if Japan and India quietly shared some of Malaysia's and Indonesia's concerns.
It would be bitterly ironic if a move designed to strengthen the west's position in the Indo-Pacific by attempting to contain Chinese military expansionism ends up undermining key alliances and groupings such as the FPDA and "the quad".
The collateral damage from a failure to at least give affected parties reasonable notice of last Thursday's announcement will not be limited to this part of the world.
The French are already talking about vetoing any free trade agreement between Australia and the EU. Such agreements are "one out, all out". If France won't sign then nobody signs.
This is the same hand Australia is playing over China's bid to sign up to the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership, the world's biggest trading pact, in a dramatic escalation of Mr Morrison's pushback against bullying by Beijing.
Blow back from Australia's diplomatic failures may even spill over into the Northern Atlantic Treaty Organisation if the French do not receive more in the way of satisfaction than a simple statement Australia was acting in the interest of national security.
President de Gaulle, suspicious of US intentions, withdrew French forces from NATO command in 1966, requiring the removal of the organisation's headquarters from Fontainebleau to Brussels. France did not return to the integrated military command until 2009. President Macron would be well aware of this precedent.
It is unfortunate that while AUKUS has many advantages for Australia its benefits have already been undermined by failures in basic diplomacy.
It's not always just about us. More should have been done to prepare the groundwork for the announcement in advance.
